Rs 75L found in slain Kanchi murder accused’s house

CHENNAI: Police have seized Rs 75 lakh from the house of M Kathiravan, an accused in the Kanchi Sankararaman murder. Kathiravan, a rowdy, was hacked to death by an eight-member gang on March 21.

Police, who made the seizure from Kathiravan’s residence in KK Nagar, said inquiries revealed that notorious gangster ‘Kathu Kuthu’ Ravi had given the money to the family to buy its silence in the recent murder and the Sankararaman case. Kathiravan was an associate of Appu, the main accused in the 2004 murder of ex-Kanchi mutt employee Sankararaman. Kanchi Sankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati and his junior Vijayendra Saraswati are also accused in the sensational killing.

During questioning, Kathiravan’s family members said they had been told by Ravi’s wife Banumanthi that the gang had already bought the silence of the special team inquiring into the sensational case, police said. Police added that a departmental probe had been ordered into this claim.

After the killing of Kathiravan, a bachelor, Rajesh, Madhavan, Saravanan, Otteri Rajesh, Madurai Sundar, Nagabhooshanam and two others surrendered in various courts in the city in connection with the

According to police, Ravi had collected a few crores of rupees from ‘some people’ to eliminate Kathiravan. Police said they were looking into all possible angles to crack the Kathiravan murder.

Nakkeeran Gopal’s new Christian trick. Hit first and say sorry next!

‘Nakkheeran’ regrets making allegations against Jayalalithaa

It had no intention of damaging the reputation of late Chief Minister MGR or Chief Minister Jayalalithaa

Nakkheeran magazine has expressed regret for carrying a controversial cover story that contained derogatory remarks about Chief Minister Jayalalithaa and was deemed offensive by the ruling All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).

In its issue dated January 14-17, the biweekly published a note from its editor saying it had published the cover story “without any ulterior motive, in the innocent belief that the information contained in it was politically and ideologically in favour of the ruling party and its leadership”.

The magazine further said, “Nakkheeran had no intention of damaging the reputation of late Chief Minister MGR (M.G. Ramachandran) or Chief Minister Jayalalithaa.” Activists of the AIADMK had protested against the magazine by marching on its office here and pelting it with stones. Cases have also been registered against Nakkheeran.

The magazine said senior journalists, lawyers and political functionaries who were interested in the growth of Nakkheeran were of the view that the cover story need not have been carried.

“If our cover story had caused any anguish to the Chief Minister, her party members or anyone else, Nakkheeran expresses its heartfelt regret,” it said.

FIR registered against Nakkeeran editor, but why now instead of 7 years ago when he vilified against Kanchi Acharya?

R R Gopal, Editor, Nakkeeran. (File photo: EPS)

Nakkeeran editor Gopal is a goonda who was a close associate of the atrocious killer and kidnapper ‘sandlewood smuggler Veerappan’.  Gopal is an anti-national who supported the LTTE and used his yellow journal as mouthpiece for the terrorist organization.  Gopal continues to carry on the fascist anti-Brahminism.  He carried on with this nefarious activities of anti-Brahmin mischief because of which both Dravidian parties, the DMK and the AIADMK,  survived and flourished.  But today when Jaya sacked Sasikala who is the friend of both Gopal and Karunanidhi, this vishami is angry and turned against Jayalalitha.  In a way he is stupid for he failed to recognize that he is up against a powerful and ruthless woman who I would call as Tamilnadu’s Indira Gandhi.

Now for the news:

Last Updated : 08 Jan 2012 08:48:02 PM IST

CHENNAI: Police today registered an FIR against the editor of Tamil bi-weekly ‘Nakkeeran’, a day after angry AIADMK workers attacked its office for publishing an article over party chief Jayalalithaa’s eating habits.

The FIR was filed against the editor, Gopal, under different IPC sections, including 505 (publishing a report with an intent to incite), police said.Armed AIADMK workers had allegedly attacked the office of the Tamil bi-weekly, apparently incensed over a report in it latest issue, which claimed ‘Amma eats beef.’ Jayalalithaa is referred to as ‘Amma’ (mother) by her party workers.The party’s organising secretary C Ponnaiyan had warned of legal action against the publication for carrying a “mischievous and malicious report aimed at maligning Jayalalithaa.”Meanwhile, Gopal said a complaint has been lodged with police over the attack.

Anyway Gopal! You ran for too long!  You can’t hide any more!  Many skeletons in your closet are going to tumble!  Get ready for the music that is good for our ears!

Chidambaram Temple & the Podu Dikshitars

T R Ramesh
31 Jul 2011
The KoyilThe Lord resides at Chitrambalam

The Lord resides at Chidambaram

The Lord resides at Tiruvambalam

The Lord resides at the Splendorous Podu

–          Tirumantiram – the Tenth Tirumurai; Song 869 – Saint Tirumoolar, 3rd century CE


For Tamil Saivites across the world, Chidambaram Sri Sabhanayagar Temple is known as “the Koyil” or “the Temple”. For them, no Siva Temple is or could be more important or sacred than this Temple of Sri Nataraja at Chidambaram where the Lord performs his Cosmic Dance in the Hall of Wisdom.


Indeed it is the belief of Saivites and other Hindus that after the last pooja of the day (Artajama Pooja), the Siva Jyoti present in the Sivalinga of every other Siva temple converge in Nataraja, the presiding deity of this Supreme Siva Temple. The words Chitrambalam, Chidambaram, Tiruvambalam and Podu all denote that this place of worship was only the Dancing Hall of Siva in the beginning.


Origin of Sri Sabhanayagar Temple


“Sri Sabhanayagar Temple or Sri Nataraja Temple in Chidambaram is an ancient temple of great importance to Saivites all over India.”

– Statement of Case by Government of Madras in Civil Appeal 39/1953 in the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India.


This Temple is very ancient one and apart from Epical history no historical evidence could be traceable in respect of the details of its founding and age.

– Document no. 30 at page 101 of the Government’s submissions before the Hon’ble Division Bench of the Madras High Court in W.A.181 of 2009.


Admittedly, the Chidambaram Nataraja Temple is one of the most ancient temples in India whose origin is lost in antiquity. Chidambaram temple is a hoary temple that goes back to the period of Sages Patanjali and Vyagrapadha. Sage Vyagrapadha is the father of the great Siva Devotee Upamanyu. Shri Upamanyu is the ‘Deeksha Guru’ of Sri Krishna.


“The Koyil” rose on an ancient site, some of the inner portions being of the remotest antiquity, was preserved with care by the Podu Dikshitars and enriched by Kings of yore through the efforts of the Podu Dikshitars. The first true building on this worship site would seem to be the sacred central shrine, which is still the heart of the temple. What started as a small Dancing Hall (‘Citrambalam’, meaning ‘small hall’) of Siva later became a huge temple complex. As the Temple grew in size, importance and fame, the town too grew big and became a ‘Taniyur’, an independent self-governing town.


Epigraphical and other records show that Chidambaram occupied in former centuries much larger limits than now. A 12th century inscription mentions it as Perrumpatrapuliyur-Taniyur, a large self-governing local unit comprising 23 hamlets with a radius of eight miles. By that time (and now) the Temple Complex comprised an area of almost 40 acres. The Raja Gopuras present now in the temple were built at various periods, spanning many centuries. It is marvellous to note that all four Gopuras are uniform in size, structure and form. All Gopurams are 7-storeyed and 135 feet tall. All have 13 Copper Kalashas on them. They are uniformly 90 feet long and 60 feet wide at the bottom and the entrances are 40 feet high. All Gopurams have beautiful statues depicting various postures of Natya or Dance Karanas. This uniformity has been possible only due to the continuous presence and administration of the Podu Dikshitars from the inception of the temple.


The innermost part of the temple where the Dancing Hall of the Lord is present is a very ancient structure that is very early in tradition. It is a wooden structure in rectangular shape with a thatched roof covered with gold leaves. Such a style is unknown or cannot be seen in other temples in Tamil Nadu. The closest resemblance to this structure is found in a relief panel from Nagarjunakonda, north of Tamil Nadu and dates from about the 3rd century.




The gold-roofed stage or dancing hall is the sanctum sanctorum of the Chidambaram temple and houses the Lord in three forms:

–          the ‘form’ or anthropomorphic form of Lord Nataraja, called the Sakala thirumeni

–          the ‘semi-form’ or semi-anthropomorphic form as Crystal linga Chandramouleswarar, the Sakala nishkala thirumeni

–          the ‘formless’ as the Space in Chidambara Rahasyam, an empty space within the sanctum sanctorum, the Nishkala thirumeni


The Dancing Lord


“Every part of the Nataraja image is directly expressive not of any superstition or dogma, but of evident facts. No artist of today however great, could more exactly or more wisely create an image of that energy which science must postulate behind all phenomena. It is poetry; but nevertheless science”

– Dr. S. Radhakrishnan


The Chidambaram Temple is unique since the presiding deity worshipped is a metal icon of Lord Nataraja in contrast to statues of deities made of stone found in other temples. But in the same sanctum, the ethereal or Akasa linga is present and is worshipped along with the Nataraja. There is also a Spatika Linga for which the six daily kala poojas are done.


This Sanctum is the Kanakasabha or the Golden Hall where Nataraja, as Kanakasabhapati, Lord of the Golden Hall, performs his Dance of Bliss, the Anandatandava. It is important to note that in this Sanctum there is a screen of golden Bilva leaves which hangs to the right of Nataraja and the screen when moved aside reveals empty space that represents Akasa or Space. The removal of the screen is the removal of ignorance and behind the veil is the real truth – Sat, Chit and Ananda – which is the subtle ethereal form of Nataraja. This is known as the Chidambara Rahasya.


The Dancing Lord Nataraja while dancing enacts the five activities known as PanchakrityaSrishti (creation), Sthiti (preservation, continued maintenance), Samhara (destruction, involution), Tirobhava (veiling, incarnation), and Anugraha (release, salvation).


Chidambaram temple is owned by the Denomination of Podu Dikhistars


–          “An interesting feature about Chidambaram Temple is the system of management. It has no landed or other endowments nor any dastik allowance and is the property of a class of Brahmins peculiar to this town…” – Mr. W. Francis, Gazetteer of the South Arcot District (1906)


–          “The Pagoda is the property of a class of Brahmins known as Dikshadars” – Manual of South Arcot District by J H Garstin M.C.S., Collector of South Arcot District (1878)


–          “The pagoda is the property of the class of Deecshita Brahmins” – Glossary of the Madras Presidency by C.D. Maclean (1893)


–          “The formal Committee of Dikshitars is called “Podu Dikshitars”. This Committee meets at the “Perambalam” hall of the temple. This Committee is the traditional administrator and protector of this temple. Only Dikshitars have the right to perform worship in this great temple of Chidambaram. Since this temple belongs to them as their personal temple Dikshitars do not take any other avocations – Vaazviyar Kalanjiyam – an encyclopedic work by Tamil University


There are many religious and historical records to show that the temple belonged to the Community of Podu Dikshitars, besides two judgments of the Hon’ble Division Bench of the Madras High Court.

–          The Tamil Canonical works known as Tirumurais clearly record that the Chidambaram temple is the temple of the Podu Dikshitars and all rights of services within the temple complex is entirely theirs. This has been most clearly recorded by the Tirumurais and by the chief minister of the Chola Kingdom, St. Sekkizhar who authored the Periya Puranam, a hagiology of Saiva Saints in the year 1140 C.E.


–          It is also amply clear that the Sabhanayagar temple at Chidambaram is owned by the denomination of Podu Dikshitars from the following two judgments of the Division Bench of the Hon’ble High Court of Madras: [1] Marimuthu Dikshitar vs. State of Madras (1952 (1) MLJ 557); [2] Devaraja Shenoy vs. State of Madras (1952 (1) MLJ 481)


Temple Administration


The Podu Dikshitars of the Chidambaram temple are both Archakas and Trustees of the temple from time immemorial. The Chidambaram temple is ably administered by the Body of Podu Dikshitars as per their temple constitution written centuries ago and printed for the first time in 1849. Any Dikshitar gets his right to do sacramental service to Lord Nataraja and participation in Temple Administration only after his marriage. The Dikshitar who thus takes participation would not be discriminated by age, education, capability or wealth. The Dikshitars would be on duty at the temple 20 at a time and each batch of 20 stays for 20 days till each has in his turn performed the complete tour of puja at the different shrines of the temple where the daily pujas are held.


The 9 Management Committee members of Podu Dikshitars are elected by lots on 31st March of each year. This Committee looks after the daily administration of the temple but the major decisions are taken only by the general assembly of Podu Dikshitars in a democratic way. Though Dikshitars live in poverty, they never faulted in their rectitude. The temple possesses invaluable offerings of jewellery made by opulent people and Kings of Tamil Nadu. There are prescribed regulations for physical verification of these (jewellery) once in 4 days, 20 days and six months. These accounts remain perfect and are free from embezzlement till date.


Who are the Podu Dikshitars?


If one were to search the Globe for a community or sect or clan that for more than 20 centuries has done the same religious, social and cultural activities and is domiciled in the same place throughout the 2000 years, one would not find such a community until one zeros in on the geographic coordinates 1.399686°N, 79.693622°E, the exact location of the ancient temple town of Chidambaram, Tamil Nadu, in South India.


Chidambaram town was known as Tillai till recent times, Chidambaram being the name of the Temple. The Podu Dikshitars are also known as Tillai Vaazh Antanar or ‘the Brahmins of Tillai’ were associated with the temple from its inception. This unique clan was originally three thousand in number and hence they were also known as Tillai Moovayiravar or “The Three Thousand Brahmins of Tillai”. As per Sthala Puranas, traditions and Saivite belief, the presiding deity of Chidambaram Temple, Lord Nataraja, is one among the Tillai Brahmins. Lord Nataraja is their God of worship and Leader of their clan.


Uniqueness of Chidambaram Podu Dikshitars


Chidambaram Dikshitars differ from other Brahmins in many respects. They are found only in Chidambaram town and form an endogamous clan. They do not have marriage alliances with any other Brahmin sects, marry only from their own community, and are thus a closed community. Their life, religion, education, training, culture and vocation revolve around the Chidambaram Nataraja Temple. From the time of birth, they are dedicated to the services of Nataraja and His Chidambaram Temple.


Podu Dikshitars are staunch Saivites, among the foremost of Saivites. Servitorship is an important aspect of Tamil Saivism. It is the belief of Saivites that Saint Sundaramurti was ordained by Lord Siva to sing in praise of the great Saiva Devotees. Saint Sundaramurti sang a hagiology of Saiva Devotees in eleven Tamil verses naming 63 individual devotees and the nine general classes of devotees. These devotees are worshipped in all major Siva temples in Tamil Nadu. The pride of place among all these Saivite devotees is accorded to the Podu Dikshitars of Tillai. It is also a fundamental religious belief of Tamil Saivites that this predominant position was accorded to this community of devotees by Lord Siva Himself.


Pooja Rituals


The Pooja rituals and tenets found in the Chidambaram Temple are very special and are found nowhere else in the Hindu world. Chidambaram temple poojas are based on Vedic rituals in contrast to agamic rituals found in most other temples. Further, the Podu Dikshitars follow a unique set of tenets for their poojas and festivals. This is the only temple where Vedic traditions as expounded by the Sage Patanjali are the tenets of the Podu Dikshitars, and only these are used in worship and rituals in the Chidambaram temple. The Podu Dikshitars’ ritual and pooja traditions have not changed for over two millennia. It is among the very few temples where one can witness Vedic traditions followed by sages and rishis of ancient days.


The Podu Dikshitars take turns to be the Chief priest of the day. This turn may come to them once in about 300 days. Only married male members above 25 years of age, who have gone through an initiation called “Diksha” and whose wives are alive are eligible to be the Chief Priest of the day. Before performing the kala poojas and poojas to Lord Nataraja performing the “Dance of Bliss” in the Sanctum Santorum, the designated ‘Chief Priest of the Day’ takes a bath in the holy temple tank called Sivaganga. After bath he performs the fire ritual before starting the kala poojas. The Vedic modes of rituals with chanting of Vedic mantras are integral parts of these pooja rituals.


The “Rahasya Pooja” done in the evening is not open for public darshan as are the other poojas. Only the Chief Priest of the Day and his assistant who is also a Dikshitar would be present to conduct and witness that pooja. The public and other Dikshitars are excluded from this every day.


Dikshitars and Tamil


Tamil is the mother tongue of Podu Dikshitars. It is the language spoken in their homes and used by them in their administrative records in the temple and in their communications. There have always been Tamil scholars in every generation of Dikshitars. Saint Umapati Sivam, a Tillai Vaazh Antanar of extraordinary merit has authored many Saiva Sastra works in Tamil and has sung the History of Chidambaram (Temple) in Sanskrit as original and has rendered it in Tamil, naming the Tamil work “Kovil Puranam”.


Many Dikshitars have erudition in the Tamil Canonical works known as Tirumurai. Many publications and research works have been authored by Podu Dikshitars on Tamil Tirumurais. Besides Vedas, Tamil Tirumurai are accorded great importance by Dikshitars at the Chidambaram Temple. Recitation of “Pancha Puranas” or five songs from the 12 Tirumurais in a prescribed manner during the allotted puja times is unique to Chidambaram.


Similarly, honouring the Tamil Saint Manikkavasagar during the Arudhra festival days by reciting 20 of his hymns and performing special aradhanas after reciting each hymn is unique and special to Chidambaram Temple.


In Chidambaram, the collection of the first Seven Tirumurais were found and preserved. In Chidambaram the eighth TirumuraiTiruvachakam and TiruKovaiyar were written. The ninth Tirumurai consists of songs which are mostly in praise of Chidambaram Temple, Nataraja and Podu Dikshitars. The tenth Tirumurai is the earliest Tamil work which mentions Chidambaram, the Dancing Hall and Nataraja. The eleventh Tirumurai too has many songs on Chidambaram temple, Nataraja and Podu Dikshitars. The Eleventh Tirumurai clearly records that Chidambaram Temple is the temple of the Podu Dikshitars. It clearly states that Nataraja came to Chidambaram with the Podu Dikshitars and took the Dancing Hall as His dwelling place.


The twelfth and final TirumuraiPeriya Puranam – was written by the chief minister of the Chola Kingdom, St. Sekkizhar at Chidambaram. In this hagiology St. Sekkizhar has recorded the greatness of the Podu Dikshitars and how devoted are they to the temple and to the Lord. St. Sekkizhar also records that all services to the Lord and the temple belong rightfully to Podu Dikshitars.


Temple Administration and the Denomination of Podu Dikshitars


As early as 1890, a Division Bench of the Hon’ble High Court of Madras consisting of the first native High Court Judge of India, Justice Muthuswamy Aiyer and Justice Sheppard, clearly recorded that the Podu Dikshitars of Chidambaram have held both the offices of Trustee and Archaka in the temple from time immemorial. The Division Bench also clearly recorded that the net income of the temple is their recognized means of livelihood.


–          “About 250 families of Dikshadars reside at Chitambaram, and the nett income of the temple, which is derived from general offerings, is their recognized means of livelihood. According to their usage every Dikshadar becomes entitled, on marriage, to take part in the management, to do puja or perform service in the minor shrines, and to share in the emoluments of the institution. He is, however, considered not qualified for performing service in the principal shrines, until he is twenty-five years old and initiated in a ceremony called Diksha.”

–          “It is not denied that the institution has been used as a place of public worship from time immemorial but it is said that the public worship in it by permission of the dikshadars.”


[Justices Muthuswamy Aiyer and Sheppard of the Hon’ble Madras High Court – ILR 14 MAD 103 (17/03/1890)]


Both religious and administrative duties and rights of the Podu Dikshitars are inseparably intertwined. The Division Bench upheld this inseparable nature of both the offices in ILR 14 MAD 103. Their Lordships held the pooja rights were, according to the usage of the institution, appurtenant to their status as dharmakartas and the interests of the temple would be but inadequately protected if the two rights were severed…


Again in CRP.121/189, Justice Muthuswamy Aiyer reinforced the above decision by stating, “ The right to perform Pooja being appurtenant to plaintiff’s status as Dikshidar and trustee and the two rights being inseparable, he cannot divest himself of the character of the trustee and at the same time insist on his right to perform Pooja.”


This inseparable nature of trusteeship and archaka was further confirmed when the Hon’ble Division Bench of the Madras High Court, in 1952 I MLJ 557 equated them with Matathipathis since there can be no demarcation of religious and administrative duties of the Podu Dikshitars.


The nomenclature “Podu Dikshitar” refers to individual Dikshitars of Chidambaram when they indulge in mundane or pooja activities. It refers to the body of Podu Dikshitars when they attend to the administrative duties of the temple. The administration of the Chidambaram Temple is carried according to the constitution of the temple framed by Dikshitars centuries ago and printed for the first time in 1849. This temple law is known as “Shri Sabhanayagar Koil Sattam”. The Hon’ble Division Bench of the Madras High Court was awe-struck at the elaborate rules and the thoughtfulness and planning that had gone into framing them.


Podu Dikshitars strictly follow the temple traditions and ensure that the temple rituals and practices are conducted without any deviation from the traditions. Poojas and rituals are conducted on time every day. Administrative meetings are held once in twenty days and a lamp is brought from the sanctum of Nataraja to denote the presence of the Lord who is the leader of the Podu Dikshitars. The administrative decisions are taken in the presence of the lamp in a democratic manner and all Dikshitars have equal rights in the administration.


The unflinching loyalty of the Podu Dikshitars to Nataraja and to their temple, their strict adherence to rituals and their excellent administration have been recorded by scholars, institutions, Central and State Ministers, Hon’ble Judges of the High Courts and the Supreme Court, Government officials and Devotees.


Protectors of the Chidambaram Temple


The Podu Dikshitars have gone through many ordeals and tribulations in protecting the essential properties of the temple and the deities at various times. After the decline of the Chola Empire, Chidambaram town and the temple suffered many invasions and occupations at various times. The Podu Dikshitars were the body of persons who safely hid the murtis of the main deities and safeguarded the valuables and jewels, even at the cost of their lives. In 1597 CE, when a Vaishnava fanatic of the Vijayanagara Empire proceeded to expand the Vishnu temple at the cost of the Nataraja Temple in Chidambaram, more than twenty Dikshitars including women gave up their lives protesting this transgression.


During the Anglo-French and other wars, Podu Dikshitars took the Nataraja and other murtis away for safekeeping in various places and reestablished Nataraja worship at Chidambaram after nearly 37 years.


The Podu Dikshitars protect the temple jewels with a very elaborate and safe twenty-one custodian system. The Hon’ble High Court of Madras and other institutions of merit like the Tamil University have praised this system of protection. Even to this day, a team of Podu Dikshitars regularly takes up watch and patrol duty at the temple every night.


Religious Denomination of Podu Dikshitars


Article 26 of the Indian Constitutions protects the religious and administrative rights of religious denominations or sections thereof.


In 1951, when the HR & CE Department and Government tried to takeover the Chidambaram temple from the Podu Dikshitars, the latter opposed the move on both merits and constitutional grounds. The Government opposed the Dikshitars’ claim of protection under Article 26.


The Division Bench of the Hon’ble High Court of Madras held that it could be asserted that the Podu Dikshitars of Chidambaram form and constitute a religious denomination. It also held that the Podu Dikshitars in whom the management of the temple is vested are both the Managers and the Archakas and they have a substantial beneficial interest in the income of the temple, and the procedure to notify this temple encroached upon the rights of the Dikshitars to manage the property belonging to the denomination. The Government appealed to the Supreme Court challenging these and other findings, but a Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court dismissed the appeal.


Thus the denominational nature of the Podu Dikshitars and the Chidambaram temple were decided in favour of the Podu Dikshitars and the matter attained finality.


Though the matter attained finality, we could still apply the three conditions to form a religious denomination enumerated by the Hon’ble Supreme Court in subsequent judgments, including the Shirur Mutt Case, on the Podu Dikshitars. These are:

–          It is a collection of individuals who have a system of beliefs which they regard as conducive to their spiritual well-being; the Chidambaram Dikshitars are Vedic Brahmins who have a common religious belief i.e. believe and worship Lord Nataraja as per the principles of “Dhakaropasana” as expounded by the Upanishads.

–          They have a common organisation and the collective body of Podu Dikshitars is the common organisation of this denomination.

–          The collection of these individuals has a distinctive name; this collective body has a common name, “Podu Dikshitars”.


Indeed, the Chidambaram Podu Dikshitars are the benchmark of religious denominations. They are even a closed body with distinctive religious and cultural features.




It is to protect such unique micro communities and minor denominations from the onslaught of the mighty and those in power that the framers of the Indian Constitution mooted special rights and protection under Article 26.


Due to various invasions and autocratic actions of kings and rulers at various periods and due to poverty, the 3000 Chidambaram Brahmins have today dwindled to 360! But as a community and as a religious and cultural identity they have so far survived.


Podu Dikshitars are great patriots. They invested, from the temple’s gold reserve, the highest value ever invested in Tamil Nadu, in the Government’s Gold Defense Bonds when India faced war with China. The Chidambaram Temple is the first among temples which hoists the National flag atop the main Eastern Gopura every Independence Day and Republic Day.


Podu Dikshitars were also among the first to open the temple to all castes of Hindus. This is probably the only ancient temple in Tamil Nadu which permits non-Hindu devotees to have darshan of the deities including the presiding deity Nataraja. In the two main festivals celebrated every year, devotees of all communities are permitted to participate with equal respect and prominence.


It is ironical that the Podu Dikshitars who survived tremendous tribulations and ordeals under tyrannical and totalitarian kings and regimes now face the threat of annihilation from the mala fide actions of a democratically elected and ostensibly secular government.


The author is a banking professional and research scholar on Hindu religious affairs

Tamil Nadu Politics: Cancerous Church Eats into Dravidian Parties

Tamil Nadu Politics: Cancerous Church Eats into Dravidian Parties – I

Radha Rajan
30 Mar 2011
Church Agenda as Dravidian Ideology

Twice in the last two years the Church [1] pushed the DMK government into a corner, making it look helpless, ineffective, and worse, supposedly drifting away from its ideological moorings. The DMK was accused by Tamil chauvinist splinter parties for not leveraging its status as partner in the UPA government to stop Mahinda Rajapakse from decimating the LTTE to its last man. The Church won its first major political victory in Tamil Nadu politics when the LTTE was presented not merely as the face and voice of the Tamil-speaking people of Sri Lanka, but was made congruent with the idea of Tamil People.


[Note: From when it first invented itself two thousand years ago, in the kind of politics that the Church has perfected in every continent that it invaded and conquered, Tamil People is not the same as Tamil-speaking people].


The idea of Tamil People/Tamil Nation was a natural progression from the seed of anti-Brahminism, and it was the DMK which propagated it in the 1960s decade as a political idea, and it was the DMK which had consistently and aggressively voiced Tamil Nadu’s concerns about the political inequities suffered by Sri Lanka’s Tamil-speaking minorities; and yet, by operating through its adherents and Tamil chauvinists from within the smaller fast-mushrooming Dravidian splinter parties like the MDMK, PMK and Viduthalai Chiruthai (VC), the Church put the DMK on the back-foot and on the defensive. The beginning of the transformation of the DMK from a sovereign Dravidian party into a Church-reactive, defensive party had begun; only the DMK was in denial about the role of the Church in the unfolding events.

On the second occasion, the DMK, because it was the ruling party in the state, had to perforce stand by the Tamil Nadu police in the police-lawyer stand-off in 2009; the government had to stand by its police officers because Justice Ibrahim Khalifullah in the Madras High Court and the former CJI KG Balakrishnan in the Supreme Court adopted unconscionable partisan positions on the issue; and while letting off the striking, lawless lawyers with a mild rebuke, humiliated the police by holding them guilty of contempt of court.


The Tamil Nadu Bar especially the Madras High Court is unabashedly political; lawyers of Tamil Nadu’s courts reflecting TN’s polity, are vertically split broadly into the DMK and AIADMK factions, while an emerging section can be engaged as rent-a-crowd by any party which wants violence let loose in court campuses. A significantly large section of TN’s lawyers had been on strike from 2008, boycotting the courts ostensibly on the issue of Sri Lankan Tamils, but actually in support of the LTTE.


A violent confrontation between striking lawyers and the police compelled the state government to make a choice between the state’s law-enforcing forces and the lawyers who constituted a sizeable Dravidian electoral constituency. Had the state government not done so, the result would have been a demoralized police force which would have refused to act, leading eventually to spiralling violence and total anarchy in the courts and on the streets. The kind of lawyer rowdy-ism bordering on terrorism that the country witnessed in TN was also linked to the idea of Tamil People.


Both cases had imprints of the Church’s grubby hands all over them.


The taming of Jayalalithaa into a submissive Church agent was completed in record time. The Church’s calibrated measures to lead the Brahmin-led AIADMK back to non-Brahmin Dravidian political objectives began when Jayalalithaa arrested the mathathipathis of the Kanchi matham in November 2004. The Church’s measured steps gathered momentum when Jayalalithaa –

–        Admitted Vai. Gopalaswamy ‘Vaiko’, the Christian head of the MDMK, whom she had incarcerated previously under NSA for his pro-LTTE and seditious speeches, into the AIADMK orbit

–        Invited five Christian priests, including a Bishop, to her Poe’s Garden residence on Christmas day in 2008 for solemn Christian prayers

–        Made promises galore to TN Christians in her election manifesto for the 2009 Lok Sabha elections

–        In a complete turnaround from the earlier stated position of her party, declared on the campaign trail in 2009 that she now believed that the secessionist state of Tamil Eelam was the only solution to the civil war in Sri Lanka

–        Promised the Christian community during her recent visit to Kanyakumari that when with the blessings of Jesus Christ and the good wishes of Christians she would win the Assembly Elections in April 2011, she would use state treasury funds to send Christians to Jerusalem on pilgrimage; that she thought no one could deny Christians their right to build churches anywhere they wished; she had already committed her party in 2009 to creating the Christian state of Tamil Eelam


The lateral expansion of Tamil Nadu’s Dravidian politics today in terms of tenets and scope as break-away heresies from the parent Justice Party bears a startling resemblance to the lateral expansion of Islam and Christianity as break-away heresies from their parent Judaism. Like the Abrahamic break-away heresies, TN’s Dravidian parties too were nothing more than organized bodies of extremist/maximalist cult worshippers; and the hate-filled political rant of the central cult figures like EV Ramaswamy Naicker, CN Annadurai, Mu. Karunanidhi and now Thol. Tirumavalavan is passed off as Dravidian ideology.


World history proves that when new religions and ideologies were invented by individuals who offered themselves for cult worship within the Abrahamic families, these cults and cult figures never desired to be part of the continuum, but set themselves up as independent entities around a new power center which chose one aspect, one principle or one tenet from the parent ideology/religion as the principal idea around which to strengthen the heretic group. If we must understand the dynamics of anti-Brahmin/anti-Hindu Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu, we must understand the common features of all break away Abrahamic heresies:


–        All of them retain the basic genes from the parent; in this case, conquering the world for their jealous god who will not co-exist with other gods

–        One principle or idea, usually an idea born of hate or confrontation is developed to give them an independent identity

–        All of them denounce the parent as an imperfect being and offer themselves unabashedly as improved versions of the parent, their predecessor or both

–        All of them, without exception seek power – social, political and money power

–        All of them want territory with their respective central cult figures as new gods

–        Because they all retain the basic genes from the parent and because moving away from one heresy into another poses no ideological/existential dilemma to the new convert, such movement across the Abrahamic spectrum is discouraged with great violence – Catholic to Protestant to Anglican to Orthodox to Pentecostal and other new missions or from Judaism to Christianity, Islam to Christianity or vice versa

–        Because all Abrahamic ideologies, parent and heretic offspring alike, are about political power and control of territory, Abrahamic ideologies are always about numbers

–        In the absence of numbers in the early stages of existence, violence and terror are the usual methods for getting the converts and for terrorizing and subjugating the target people and nation

–        The Periarite groups and parties, the DMK, AIADMK, MDMK, PMK and the Viduthalai Chiruthai all retain anti-Brahmin as their core ideology; this has expanded to include anti-Hindu, anti-Hindu temples, anti-Sanskrit, anti-North India, anti-Hindi and anti-anything as opportunism demands; all of them have demonstrated at one time or the other their ever-preparedness for violence


The anti-Hindu Dravidian politics which developed around the hate-filled cult of ‘Periyar’ EV Ramaswami Naicker’s Self Respect Movement in the erstwhile Madras Presidency is therefore only an Abrahamic heretic clone.

Taking their cue from the creation of the Muslim League in 1906, the Justice Party also known as South Indian Liberal Federation was created in 1916 by powerful non-Brahmin zamindars and non-Brahmin forward castes as a political instrument with a limited objective – to demand more non-Brahmin representation in colonial government and administration. Even though the Justice party was formed to serve non-Brahmin political interests, the founders and early members of the party TM Nair, Sir P Thegaraya Chetty, the Rajas of Bobbili, Ramnad and Panagal were practicing Hindus and did not subscribe to Tamil secessionist theology associated with later Dravidian political cults.


While the Justice Party rejected extremist formulations which would destabilize society in a manner hoped for by the Church, its creation was nevertheless a step in the intended direction. It was the beginning of caste-identity politics which successfully fragmented not only Hindu consciousness, but Hindu society too, by pitting jaati against jaati besides accepting without question the Church’s missionary propaganda of ‘upper’ and ‘lower’ castes, ‘forward’ and ‘backward’ castes.


The political marginalization of the Brahmins had begun and the Church had every reason to be pleased; the Brahmins were the weakest link in the Hindu chain and pressure had been successfully exerted on the weakest link. The long-term grand plan was to make Hinduism congruent with Brahmins, dis-empower the Brahmins and hopefully this would weaken Hinduism, and eventually dis-empower Hindus politically by de-Hinduising the polity. The Church hoped that the fall of South India to Church machinations would knock down the Hindus like skittles in the rest of India, segment by segment, from the political arena and from all seats of power.

This may still happen if India’s polity, especially Hindus like Lalu and Mulayam, notional Hindus like Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar and deracinated Hindus in the INC and BJP do not see even now the ultimate purpose of religious conversion and the real purpose behind the thousands of crores of foreign money that is pumped every year into the country by western governments and foreign churches.


The Christian state of Tamil Eelam was critical to Christianizing South Asia and must be seen together with the Church orchestrated upheaval in Nepal and the on-going mischief in Myanmar.


Having created and then deepened previously unknown faultlines in Hindu society, the Church simply had to wait for natural dynamics to take their course from the point of origin called the Justice Party. It did not have long to wait and three centuries of missionary propaganda about the inherent evil and inequities of varna and jaati vyavastha together with the cancerous spread of the Church in South India yielded bountiful results in the form of EV Ramaswami Naicker.


Naicker joined the Indian National Congress in 1919 but quit in 1925 to form the Self Respect Movement. Periyar’s Self Respect Movement was everything that the Church had hoped for. It positioned itself against the Brahmins – the one community the Church feared most, retained the non-Brahmin identity of the parent, but went much beyond it in scope.


The Self Respect Movement was not merely non-Brahmin in its identity but also virulently anti-Brahmin and anti-Hindu. If the Justice Party was a political vehicle like the Muslim League, then the Self Respect Movement was like the Khilafat Committee and had well-defined socio-religious objectives; more to the point, like the Khilafat Committee it was not constrained by compulsions of electoral politics to observe social and political niceties.


Periyar’s violent anti-Brahmin and anti-Hindu campaign which entailed defiling and destroying Hindu temples and murtis and abusing Brahmins and Hindu gods in offensive language in public speeches, sent shock-waves across the Justice Party, besides causing intense revulsion among a section of its leaders. To cut a long story short, in less than a decade, the fortunes of the Justice Party and Self Respect Movement became a zero sum game.


When the Justice Party lost the Provincial elections in 1937, several of its leaders abandoned the party and joined the Self Respect Movement. In 1938, Periyar merged his Self Respect Movement with the Justice Party (just as Jinnah persuaded the Khilafat Committee to merge with the Muslim League around the same time), took control of Justice Party, and renamed it Dravidar Kazhagam in 1944.


By 1944 there was little doubt that Periyar EV Ramaswami Naicker was the inevitable manifestation of the cancerous Church in TN politics.


The Justice Party was a creature of European Christian missionary intent which fanned the flames of anti-Brahminism as a political ideology in the Madras Presidency in the late 19th and early 20th century. The anti-Brahmin political ideology was a natural consequence of the insidious anti-Brahmin and anti-jaati anti-varna campaigns carried out by European Christian missionaries for three centuries in South India; the bizarre Aryan Invasion Theory was a natural progression of the core idea. The Church’s long-term intent was to sow seeds of discord among the different jaatis, break the jaati and varna vyavastha to cut the socio-cultural and religious roots of Hindus, and then step into the void.


Anti-Brahmin political ideology, as it was conceived and executed, became anti-Hindu because of the cancerous idea underlying the Aryan Invasion Theory with ‘Periyar’ EV Ramaswami Naicker’s Dravidar Kazhagam as the most vocal and powerful proponent of the theory. The resulting anti-Hindu trend in TN polity was fertile soil for Politics of Abrahamic Minority-ism which in turn was exactly the direction the Church intended Dravidian politics to travel. The Church did not have to be seen to be planting the tree; it simply had to sow the seed of poison weed and wait for the weed to sprout.


It is doubtful if it ever occurred to Naicker, or if his acolytes even today see him that way, but Periyar EV Ramaswami Naicker and all Dravidian parties which followed the Dravidar Kazhagam with anti-Brahminism as the only driving force, were creatures of the Church. The resulting anti-Hinduism, Tamil Nation for Tamil People, all derived only from this point of origin.


What Dravidian Tamil chauvinist parties from 1916 until 2011 claim to be Dravidian ideology rooted in Self Respect is nothing more than Christian missionary agenda for Tamil Nadu.


‘Periyar’ travelled extensively abroad for two years between 1929-1931 through countries as diverse as Russia, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Egypt, Greece, Turkey, Spain, Portugal, England, France and Germany. Had Naicker been a man of acute political sense or at least an honest man, such extensive travel ought to have shown him the genocidal path that Islam and the Church were travelling even then to expand across continents, and he should have judged his own society and the religious-civilisational roots of his culture by American and European Abrahamic standards.


Instead Naicker chose to retain the Church’s fabrication of the Aryan-Dravidian race theory as the core of his Self-respect Movement and later his Dravidar Kazhagam in what may only be termed swallow-and-vomit intellectualism.

Goa, Kerala and TN were the favourite breeding grounds for European missionaries and facing the kind of challenge they did in India, which they had not faced when they exterminated entire cultures, religions and peoples first in Europe and then in North and South America followed by Africa, the missionaries set about the task of understanding societal dynamics in Hindu India.


It did not take them long to understand that it was the organic jaati and varna vyavastha and the formidable moral authority wielded by Sanyasis and Brahmins which did not allow Christian missionaries to penetrate Hindu societies. Moral authority vested in Brahmins and Sanyasis should not be confused with temporal power which was vested in different collectives with different responsibilities.


When Brahmins, both the marginally few who were affluent and the vast majority of whom were economically backward, took to English-education, pursued government employment and became doctors, engineers and judges, their hold over their villages and local communities slackened in two generations, resulting in irreversible consequences not only for their community but also for the villages and temples they left behind. Effectively they left the field open for Christian missionaries and anti-Hindu Dravidian ideology to take root.


Brahmana and Sanyasa dharma embodied exemplary values – austerity, self-denial, ahimsa, Learning and imparting Learning; the accruing moral authority maintained inter-jaati equilibrium and stability in society. Women and elders in every jaati and varna, Brahmins and Sanyasis were acknowledged as know-ers of dharma. The Portuguese, having understood the critical and central role of the Brahmins, simply picked up the Sword of Christ and decimated the Brahmins of Goa to the last man, woman and child. Only one choice was given to the Brahmins – convert or die.


Without going into excruciating details about the diabolic tactics which Constanzo Beschi, GU Pope, Di Nobili and other charlatans of their ilk adopted in South India with the sole objective of usurping the moral authority vested in Brahmins and Sanyasis, suffice it to say that while some learnt Sanskrit and Tamil, others pretended to be Brahmins and Sanyasis by sporting the tuft, sacred thread, saffron robes and living a life of bogus austerity.


Realizing that Inquisitions of the Portuguese variety in Goa would almost certainly inflame the non-Brahmin Hindu martial castes against them, Italian and British Christian missionaries knew that they could penetrate Hindu society only by becoming a cancerous cell that lodges itself quietly and unnoticed within the bloodstream of the body it intends to kill.


This cancerous missionary cell, which was manufactured in the sixteenth century in TN, when it pretended to be Brahmins and Sanyasis and when it adopted local customs and language, was dignified by the Second Vatican Council with the nomenclature ‘enculturation’.


Enculturation is a cancerous cell and is a political weapon in Christian hands in the war to conquer territory.

Sonia Gandhi is far and away the best example of ‘enculturation’ of the Constanzo Beschi and Di Nobili kind. When she ‘encultered’ her Christian, Roman Catholic Italian identity in the sari, when she sported the bindi and waved her hand in conscious imitation of her mother-in-law, and when she was planted inside the family and home of India’s Prime Minister, it had already been decided that she would be the cancerous cell within the Indian National Congress and by extension, in the body politic of the Hindu nation. ‘Indian National’ Congress lost its meaning once again as did the INC-led freedom movement supposedly to free the nation from White Christian colonial rule.


Once penetration into society was achieved, the cancer called the local resident missionary began to spread the disease in the body. It has always been the way of the Church to defame and defile the highest institutions in target communities, create a vacuum, and then step into the resulting unrest and instability to offer its Jesus-cult religion as solution. Taking note of the moral authority wielded by Brahmins in society, the Church trained its guns on Brahmins and Hindu scriptural texts. It crafted the diabolic Aryan Invasion theory which said –


–        Brahmins were an alien race called Aryans who invaded the country, defeated the native populace or Dravidians and drove them away from North India to the South

–        The Vedas are the roots of Hinduism and the Vedas are composed in Sanskrit

–        Brahmins spoke Sanskrit while the defeated Dravidian race spoke Tamil (Kannada and Telugu, languages in the Dravidasthan as conceived of by the Church and Naicker have been placed on the back burner for the present in favour of Tamil. Tamil holds preeminence now in Church calculations because Dravidian ‘Tamil’ can be expanded into Tamil People and Tamil Nation)


Persons of the eminence of Asko Parpola and Iravatham Mahadevan, not immune to pecuniary and other benefits accruing from Dravidian state patronage, have now begun to mouth the preposterous theory that the language of the Saraswati-Indus script is Dravidian. This poisonous Aryan-Dravidian propaganda inter alia also meant –


–        Hinduism is only Brahminism (the Romila Thapar brand of history writing uses this language)

–        Because the Vedas are the roots of Hinduism and the Vedas are composed in Sanskrit and it is the religion of the alien race which invaded and occupied this land, Tamil-speaking Dravidians are not Hindus

–        Dravidians are not Tamil-speaking Hindus in South India but are Tamil People (Tamil Inam) with a culture that has nothing to do with Hinduism

–        Saivism, the religion of the Tamil People of Dravidasthan, is Tamil Saivism and therefore is not Hinduism


The cancerous objective was to eat away the umbilical cord binding Tamil Hindus to Hindus in the rest of India and replace it with a sense of anti-Hindu Dravidian Tamil and anti-Hindu, non-Hindu Church ‘Tamil’ ness.


This was the lemon sold to Kashmiri Hindus too in the name of Kashmiriyat. The Kashmiriyat lemon sold to Kashmiri Hindus by Kashmiri Muslims (almost certainly this fiction was fabricated in the colonial Christian mind and its potential allowed to sprout in the Kashmiri Muslim mind) said, we Kashmiris are unique and so Kashmiri Hindus have more in common with Kashmiri Muslims than with Hindus in the rest of India.


This is vintage Christian war strategy – de-link the target community from its parent, give it a sense of separateness resulting in alienation, render it defenseless, alone and vulnerable, and then step in for the kill. The political propaganda that Sikhism is not Hinduism, Jainism is not Hinduism, is a piece of the same diabolic Church fabric. Sikhs and Jains who mouth this Church fiction must look at the tragic fate of Kashmiri Hindus which does not warrant repetition here.





1] The writer has used the word Church generically to mean not only churches of all denominations, including Catholic, Protestant, Anglican, Lutheran, Adventist, Pentecostal and New Life, New Mission but also Christian NGOs, Christian funding agencies, White Christian governments and countries which legitimize and use evangelization and militant Christian missionary objectives as instruments of foreign policy in countries of Asia, especially India, China, Thailand, Myanmar and Indonesia; the generic Church also includes the United Nations with a charter that enforces Christian ‘liberal’ political principles as the universal socio-political ideal which will be enforced coercively by any one of the arms of the generic Church, including military intervention.



(To be continued…)

The author is Editor,


Tamil Nadu Politics: Cancerous Church Eats into Dravidian Parties – II

Radha Rajan
31 Mar 2011
Non-Brahmin = Anti-Brahmin = Separatism

While the political trajectory of Dravidian anti-Hindu politics is now better understood, what has so far escaped the notice of political observers and commentators is the picture that emerges when we connect the dots. First, the growing numbers of break-away heresies within the Dravidian fold –

Justice Party 1916 (non-Brahmin zamindars and forward castes) – Self Respect Movement 1925Dravidar Kazhagam 1944 (EV Ramaswami Naicker) – Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 1949 (CN Annadurai, Karunanidhi) – All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam 1972 (MG Ramachandran, Jayalalithaa). For the moment, all latter-day heresies which followed the AIADMK in quick succession, including Tamil Muslim and Tamil Christian heresies are left out of the reckoning.


The new heresy around the cult of MG Ramachandran dealt a near-mortal blow to the hitherto unchallenged heresy, the DMK. From 1972 when the AIADMK (ADMK as it was then called) was formed until today, the DMK and AIADMK have successfully played the Bad cop/Good cop routine with the Hindus of TN. The rise of the DMK was marked by physical abuse of Brahmins in public spaces –

–        Cutting off their sacred thread

–        Dragging Brahmin men by their tufts and in several instances even cutting off their tuft (apocryphal stories about Chanakya and the evil Dhananand tell us how King Dhananand gave Chanakya the choice between death and cutting off his Brahminic tuft)

–        Obscene and vulgar depiction of Brahmin men and even women, their customs, traditions and their way of life in Tamil films

–        Public calls to make Brahmin women the common property of non-Brahmin men

–        Increasing shrill calls for seceding from the Indian Union and the beginning of usage of political phrases Tamil People and Tamil Nation which found prompt echo and support in American/Western think tanks and their foreign policy jargon


MGR’s AIADMK departed marginally from what was widely recognized as Dravidian politics in that MGR did not encourage public humiliation and physical abuse of Brahmins; but significantly he did not depart even minimally from the anti-Brahmin and anti-Hindu Dravidian tenets and policies. Nevertheless, the good cop role assumed by MGR triggered a frenzy of covert political activity by the Church in neighbouring Sri Lanka.


Neither the LTTE, nor demands by other splinter Tamil separatist groups for the secessionist Christian state of Tamil Eelam were accidents of history.


The Church, notwithstanding its much splintered body, is one as regards the ultimate political objective; and the Church Hierarchy comprising its Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Pastors, monks, nuns and Christian laity constitute the army of Christ; each segment of the army working within different sections of the target society and nation without losing sight of the goal – Church-control of communities leading to Church-control of the polity followed by Church-control of the state, as in government.

Conquest of nations by the sword or by the cancer called religious conversion ever remains the sole objective of the Church. When the Church’s dream of Dravidasthan comprising the whole of South India fragmented into Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka, the Church changed tracks and began to work on the notion of Tamil Nation comprising the whole of Tamil Nadu in India and the North and East of Sri Lanka.


The notion of Tamil People had already been sowed by the Church both in India and in Sri Lanka and had taken root. The Church’s most promising offspring, the violence-prone DMK, had been well groomed as the vehicle for Tamil People/Tamil Nation in India; it was time to deliver a similar creature in Sri Lanka and the emergence of MG Ramachandran in Tamil Nadu provided the perfect backdrop to unveil the Sri Lankan chapter of the Tamil Nation.


Born in a small town near Kandy in Sri Lanka to immigrant parents from Kerala, MGR’s Sri Lanka connection gave the Tamil Nation idea a personal, emotional edge which ultimately and totally unexpectedly, destroyed the movement, its terrorist vehicle and its sponsors in India; the idea of Tamil Nation itself suffered a serious setback.


At the time of independence in 1948, a peculiar situation prevailed in Sri Lanka where the politically assertive section both among the Sinhala and Tamil people were Christians, a situation which continues till the present day. This was the result of the almost total control of education and state patronage extended to Christian missionary schools and colleges by all colonial powers – Portuguese, Dutch and then the British.


Church-run schools, which received colonial state patronage and government funds, provided education in English as compared to the education in the vernacular languages in Sinhala and Tamil provided by temples and Buddhist monasteries. English education was mandatory for admission to institutions of higher learning which in turn led to employment in government institutions.


The Church in Sri Lanka, in an extension of its rice-bowl conversion in Africa, made admission to their schools and colleges conditional upon religious conversion to Christianity in what may be termed blackboard conversion. The Church in South India targeted the Tamil Nadar community similarly; thus within the same family those who opted to send their children to missionary schools converted to Christianity and were given alien foreign sounding Christian names.


Not surprisingly, in the early years of the twentieth century only those Sri Lankans – Sinhala and Tamil – who were English-educated were employed by the British administration in government jobs and the same section emerged as frontrunners in the country’s polity too. Bandaranaike, Jayawardene, Lakshman Kadirgamar, Chelvanayakam and even Ranasinghe Premadasa, son of Richard Ranasinghe, were all Christians. The Church had never had it so good; except that the notion of Tamil People which the Church had sown in society rebounded on the Church in an unexpected turn of events.


While the Church fabricated the Tamil People/Tamil Nation fiction in India vis-à-vis the Brahmins, its work to plant the cancerous cell in Sri Lanka was made easier because the Tamil language and its culture/people had to be presented as being separate only vis-à-vis the Sinhala language and its culture/people. The fact that both the Sinhala speaking people and the Tamil speaking people were civilisationally, culturally and religiously bound to Hinduism and bound by the umbilical cord to the Hindu bhumi in equal measure was pushed to the margins of their collective consciousness; and identity of language was privileged over civilisational identity.


The Buddhist clergy in Sri Lanka, like the non-Brahmins of Tamil Nadu, was a willing customer for Church peddled separatism.

The Church’s invidious propaganda about the separateness of Tamil People from the nationhood of Sri Lanka and about Tamil People being a distinct nationality with a right to their own territory not only worked like cancer in the Tamil psyche, but also reactively in the Sinhala psyche. A brief look at Sri Lanka’s demography is in order to understand how and why the Church’s invidious propaganda succeeded in that country.


Sri Lanka’s demography as per language –

Sinhala                        – 74%

Tamil                          – 12.6%

Tamil of Indian origin           – 5.19% [2]


Religious demography –

Buddhism       – 70%

Hinduism        – 15%

Islam              – 7.5%

Christianity     – 7.5%


Sinhala speaking people are both Buddhists and Christians; Tamil speaking people are Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Except for a negligible percentage of Moors who are Muslims, the majority of Sri Lanka’s Muslims are Tamil-speaking just as all Sri Lanka’s Buddhists are Sinhala-speaking.


After independence in 1948, in a move to assert the Sinhala identity of the nation and stem the trend of what the Buddhist clergy thought was disproportionate numbers of Tamil-speaking people (mostly Tamil Christians and negligible numbers of forward caste Tamil Hindus who did not need the Church’s missionary charity for higher education) in government employment, administration and high-end professions including politics, which the Buddhist clergy correctly attributed to Church-run English medium schools and colleges, the Buddhist clergy prevailed upon the Sri Lankan government to nationalize all educational institutions, impart education in the vernacular languages, and accord primacy once again to Pirivenas or educational institutions run by Buddhist monasteries.


Although the move to nationalize Sri Lanka’s education was formalized only in 1961, the trend towards non-missionary Sinhala and Tamil vernacular schools had already begun in the 1930s; but the government move to nationalize education in 1961 dealt a near-mortal blow to Christian evangelization and religious conversion when the most potent instrument for religious conversion, Church-funded and administered missionary schools and colleges were de-fanged, and unseated from their positions of preeminence. The front-end of the assembly line which was delivering Sinhala and Tamil Christian political leaders at the other end had been permanently disabled, dealing a terrible blow to the Church agenda to control the government.


The Church’s Tamil People/Tamil Nation boomerang turned around and began to fly back at the Church. The Church trained its guns on the Buddhist clergy again, this time by sharpening the division between the Sinhala majority and Tamil minority by taking recourse to extremism in the form of the LTTE. Needless to say, the top leadership of the LTTE was Christian with notional Hindus in the LTTE cadre playing useful idiots to fulfill the Church agenda.


The time had come to give shape to the Sri Lankan vehicle for Tamil separatism to match the rise and growth of the DMK in Tamil Nadu. The measures that the Church took to realize the Christian state of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka and in Tamil Nadu were always well calibrated and in tune with events in both countries. The LTTE burst upon the political scene in Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu in 1975; it follows that preparation for the launch must have started at least a few years earlier.


The success of the Church propaganda that the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu were a separate nationality can be gauged from the fact that while the Buddhist clergy, reacting strongly to Tamil separatism which had reared its head even before independence in 1948, wanted to push the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka to the margins of national life, it remained sanguine to the fact that every President that the country elected was Christian; Sinhala Christian. The Buddhist clergy was prepared to accommodate an Abrahamic religion into its conception of Sinhala nationalism, while refusing to reach out to the civilisationally related Tamil Hindus who constituted 15% of the population.


Pitting brother against brother is classic Abrahamic/Christian war tactics going back to the Old Testament.


Christians who constitute 7.5% of the population were tactically distributed among the 74% Sinhala, 12.6 % Tamil and 5.19% Indian Tamil populace, thus giving the Church a powerful leverage among all sections of the language divide.


The Sinhala-Buddhist Tamil-Hindu animosity had very little to do with religion while it had everything to do with language. The Sinhala-Buddhists and Tamil-Hindus alike failed to see the cancerous cell called the Sinhala Christian and Tamil Christian quietly embedded in their respective blood streams and who were the sole beneficiary from the internecine war between the Sinhala and Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka.


The rise of MGR and the formation of the AIADMK coincided not only with the rise and emergence of the LTTE in Sri Lanka, but also with the rise and emergence of the Sri Lankan communist party, the Janatha Vimukthi Perumuna (JVP). Considering the role of the Church behind the Maoists of Orissa and Nepal, it is tempting to wonder if the Church may not have had a hand in the creation of this new front with cadres drawn equally from among the economically backward Tamil and Sinhala speaking people in its early years. What cannot also be denied is that the Church has always adroitly turned every event, every phenomenon to its advantage.


The emergence of MGR, the return of Indira Gandhi in 1980 as Prime Minister, the rise of the LTTE and the rise of the JVP, proved to be a direct and four-pronged attack against the Sri Lankan government and an indirect attack against the primacy and power of the island’s Buddhist clergy. The Church was the only beneficiary of the three decades long civil war which tore Sri Lanka apart and which was ended with the determined extermination of the LTTE in 2010. Not only is the Church continuing to harvest Tamil souls in Sri Lanka, but is also harvesting souls in Tamil Nadu’s refugee camps. The protracted civil war in Sri Lanka provided the Church with a bountiful harvest.


Indians outside Tamil Nadu remember the dismissal of the DMK government by Prime Minister Chandrashekhar in 1991. What is almost totally unknown is that the reviled LTTE was armed and trained by the Tamil Nadu and Indian governments in camps set up in Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka where India’s armed forces gave the LTTE full military training including in guerilla warfare.


The well-armed and trained LTTE cadre was then sent into Sri Lanka as deadly terrorists in a move which many foreign affairs experts believe was intended by Indira Gandhi and MGR acting in tandem to force the Sri Lankan government to the negotiating table and draft an equitable national constitution which would protect and guarantee equal rights for the Tamil speaking minority community.


While MGR who became Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in 1977 was playing competing Dravidian politics with the defeated DMK around the core issue of Tamil People/Tamil Nation, for Indira Gandhi, who felt the urgent need to assert her strong-man image which suffered a setback in the electoral defeat in 1977, it was more a move to re-assert her one-woman regional super power status which the creation of Bangladesh had given her in 1971.


Indira Gandhi and MG Ramachandran may have acted for two entirely different reasons when they set up camps in Tamil Nadu and other parts of India to train, arm and finance the LTTE, but they created a Bhasmaasura who turned upon the very people who made the LTTE invincible against the Sri Lankan government in the first place. Indira Gandhi was playing with secessionist fire at home and abroad – she created Bhindranwale and the problem of Khalistan and she created the problem of the LTTE and Tamil Eelam – fires which would soon engulf India, herself and her family.


It was not in the capacity of any state government in TN to militarily arm and train the LTTE without the tacit support and active involvement of the central government. Whoever was advising Indira Gandhi on foreign affairs did not have the nation’s interests in mind, that much is obvious when one retrospectively analyses the events of the critical 1970 and 1980s decade. It is not clear why Indira Gandhi and MGR privileged the LTTE over other Tamil political groups, parties and formations, but it was this privileging and the money, arms and training provided to the LTTE which gave LTTE the brute power and the motive to decimate the leadership and cadre of all other Tamil groups so it could emerge as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people of Sri Lanka.


While the frightening growth of the LTTE gave the Tamil secessionist movement in Sri Lanka a phenomenal impetus, it also caused an equally strong reaction from India and the Sri Lankan government. The assassination of Rajiv Gandhi brought to an immediate and full stop all help rendered so far to the LTTE; it also pushed the Sri Lankan government to equip its own army to deal with the LTTE.


Indira Gandhi’s assassination and the subsequent weakening of the Congress party ushered in the era of coalition politics and the huge returns accruing from participation in government in Delhi, and the compulsions of coalition politics, not only tamed the two major Dravidian parties into a semblance of nationalism, but effectively turned Tamil Nadu away not only from the path of secessionism it had been treading for long under the Dravidian parties, but also turned it away from the LTTE.


The Church had to regroup and formulate a new war strategy.


The rise of Brahmin Jayalalithaa within the ranks of the AIADMK and her eventual coronation as Gen. Secretary which shook the very foundations of Dravidian politics, the rise of the BJP in national politics, the fading lure of the idea of secessionist Tamil Eelam and weakening prospects of realizing it even within Tamil Nadu, and the new trend in Indian politics which catapulted both the DMK and the AIADMK to Delhi imposing upon them the primacy of national interests over interests of regional political parties, forced the Church to forge new strategies and lay a new road towards its objective of carving the Christian state of Tamil Eelam.


The following trends emerged in Tamil Nadu more or less simultaneously from around the mid 1990s decade and continues till the present –


–        The Church began to invest in television news channels, schools of journalism and mass communication; the Church also pushed for creating the department of human rights in Tamil Nadu colleges and universities

–        Foreign governments, notably the UK and US through DFID and USAID began to fund NGOs in India, primarily Christian NGOs

–        Foreign Christian funding agencies like World Vision, Action Aid and agencies from Germany, France and the Netherlands began to fund churches and Christian NGOs

–        Tamil Nadu is the largest recipient of foreign funds

–        The Church began to fund television soap operas and also financed Tamil films

–        Christians are entering the Tamil Nadu film industry and the small screen in almost every area – as directors, producers, actors and music directors

–        Tamil films and television Tamil serials routinely make reference to Tamil People and Tamil Nation

–        The Church is buying hundreds of acres of land across Tamil Nadu; this is visible even in overcrowded Chennai

–        Christians are cornering a major chunk of the reservation quota in admission to institutions of higher learning and also in government jobs; there are growing numbers of Christian students in engineering, medical and law colleges and universities

–        Churches and prayer houses are being built in almost every street in Chennai and close to every Hindu temple, big and small

–        Churches are coming up even in the holiest of holy Hindu temple towns and they are being allowed by Dravidian parties to come up close to temples

–        Foreign Christian missionaries from America, Malaysia and South Korea have a free run of the streets in Chennai

–        Instigating fisher-folk communities is the Church’s latest ploy [3]


Every penny and paisa that the Church spends, it spends as investment towards realizing its core objective – control of communities leading to control of polity leading ultimately to control of government culminating in bloody or bloodless conquest of territory. The path to this objective is religious conversion; what was achieved solely through enculturation in the 16th and 17th centuries, through the Church’s missionary educational and medical institutions in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries is now being achieved through NGOs, through an aggressive political discourse in religious freedom and human rights which always work only to the Church’s advantage to facilitate penetration, conversion and conquest.


Investing in political parties is the Church’s latest venture in Tamil Nadu. The Church’s investment, besides the time-tested and highly successful strategy of planting Christians in important ruling families through the love angle or as close confidants to politicians, is three-pronged –


–        Donate liberally and in proportion to expected returns to the two largest Dravidian parties

–        Besides generous donations, also get Christians to become members of every big and small political party – DMK, AIADMK, MDMK, PMK, DMDK so that these parties, with an eye on the Christian votebank are compelled to nominate Christians as office bearers at state and district levels

–        Start new Tamil extremist parties and create more and more Tamil chauvinist outfits to make shrill noises for Tamil People/Tamil Nation, for the LTTE, against the Sri Lankan government, against the central government, even against judges of the High Court and Supreme Court, for human rights, against law-enforcing agencies like police and army; in effect create enough noise and generate enough heat to provoke uncooperative and weak governments to either use force or hopefully to surrender to extremist demands


The ploy has succeeded just as every Church ploy has succeeded because the Church always preys upon vulnerability, ambition, hubris and greed. The state government-central government partnership had yielded phenomenal results for the Christian state of Tamil Eelam but that had ended with Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. Temptations of sharing power in New Delhi had weakened even the verbal call and support for Eelam. The Church’s next move was to weaken the two largest Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu by making them dependant upon smaller parties for survival.


The Church was the only force which saw the advantages of weakening national, nationalist and large regional parties. Tamil Nadu politics had been centered around only two poles for close to half a century. A strong DMK and AIADMK were assets to both the Congress and the BJP not only in state elections but also in national elections. The Church saw how regional parties with no support outside of their states could still influence national policies and it applied the rule with great foresight in Tamil Nadu.


As government support for the LTTE ended and the vehicle was destroyed in Sri Lanka, the Church had to keep the idea of Tamil People/Tamil Nation alive in Tamil Nadu. Even as the Church donated liberally to both the DMK and AIADMK, making both look like subservient agents of the Church, the Church punished both by eating into their varied constituencies through the innumerable splinter parties which mushroomed to coincide with waning government support and interest in Tamil Eelam.


The two largest Dravidian parties were themselves made vulnerable to intra-state coalition politics which diminished their value and leverage in New Delhi. Neither the Congress nor the BJP were strong enough to accommodate the baggage which now came along with the DMK and the AIADMK in the form of their state coalition partners.


The Congress and the BJP would now be subject to pressures not only from Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa but also from Vaiko, Thol Thirumavalavan and Ramdoss; not to speak of the good reverend Father Jegath Gaspar Raj, the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam and the Indian Christian Front. Muslims and Christians not only form political parties which are overtly Christian and Muslim, but also spread themselves tactically in all important political parties for leverage.


The DMK and AIADMK must both realize that only when Tamil Nadu’s non-Brahmin communities, when coastal villages and communities remain Hindu, their own electoral constituencies will remain with them. If they allow Christian donation to their parties to pressure their policies, if they allow foreign money to continue to come on the scale it is now coming into Tamil Nadu, inevitably, inexorably, they will be weakened because the first rule in any business is that all investments must yield profit.


The Church is not going to invest money into their parties and the state only to have Karunanidhi and family, Jayalalithaa and baggage to enjoy the fruits of power. The Church wants the whole of Tamil Nadu and a large part of Sri Lanka. If the DMK, AIADMK and the BJP do not see this even now, it may well spell their doom. The Congress in Tamil Nadu is recruiting Christians into the party at all levels – educated, poorly educated, as leaders and as cadre.


If because the DMK and AIADMK have already been weakened and if because the BJP in Tamil Nadu is still clueless about what is happening in the state, the Congress resurrects itself, it will resurrect as a Christian party whose Christian content will not be immediately seen or felt. It will either wear an encultured face like it wears now in Delhi and wore in Andhra Pradesh under Y Samuel Rajasekhar Reddy or it may even opt for a temporary idiot Hindu face.


Sri Lanka’s Tamil Hindus can be protected and Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu protected from the predatory Church only if India’s polity, Tamil Nadu’s polity and the Buddhist clergy in Sri Lanka wake up to the Church’s agenda for India, Sri Lanka and Asia.





2] Indian Tamil people are indentured labour from the erstwhile Madras presidency forcibly transported to Sri Lanka to work in British owned tea-estates.


3] South of Cuddalore every fishing hamlet along Tamil Nadu’s vast coastline is almost 100% Christian. The Church wants fisher-folk to be given the status of Scheduled Tribes where even Christian converts are eligible for reservation quota; and that is why the Church is not asking for Scheduled Caste status. The Church is playing a covert role in getting Tamil Nadu’s fishermen to regularly intrude into Sri Lankan waters, not only to pressure the state government and New Delhi to confront the Sri Lankan government, but also to provoke the Sri Lankan government into using force to deal with trespassing fishermen. The idea is to vitiate Tamil Nadu/India-Sri Lanka relations.




The author is Editor,

This modern Parasurama will destroy the arrogance of the corrupt flybynight billionaire vaisyas

There is a report that a small hardcore paid agents of Karunanidhi burnt an effigy of Dr.Subramanian Swamy.  This the way Karunanidhi reacts to Dr.Swamy seeking permission from the Governor to prosecute the Chief Minister Karunanidhi.

Karunanidhi knew from day one over sixty years ago that the Brahmins are the repository of Dharma and would haunt him.  As the modern asura who venerates Ravana he joined E.Ve.Ra. and persecuted the Brahmins.  His conviction was that if you destroy Brahmins then Dharma can be conquered.  So as Chief Minister he saw to it that the Brahmins are denied education and employment in his secular domain.  He did his very best to get the Brahmins out of Tamilnadu.

Somehow despite all his efforts Brahmins could not be thrown out. They have survived.  They have already given birth to a Narasimha who is going to tear this asura apart into pieces!

Karuna!  burning effigies don’t destroy Dr.Swamy!  If you try to touch him the people will lynch your clan in the streets of Madras!

When you, the secularists break Varnasrama Dharma you don’t know what kind of Pandora’s box you are opening.  Brahmins started entering the domains of Kshathriya, Vaisya and Sudhra and as intellectual giants as they are they excelled in all these fields and became their leaders.  For example the leaders of the athiest communists in West Bengal and Kerala are Brahmins!  P.Ramamurthy of Tamilnadu and EMS Namboodhiripad of Kerala set off the powerful CPM and its labour outfit CITU.  Today in West Bengal the CM and the leader of opposition are Brahmins.  Under their secular outfit the state has gone to dogs and the Muslims are taking over.

In Tamilnadu the chitadel of reservations the Brahmins were consciously kept away from entering the fields of the Kshathriyas, Vaisyas and Sudhras for fear they would excel and become leaders in those fields even though they would become secular (not Dharmishtas).  It is just not a blind anti-Brahminism but clear innate fear that Dharma lurks in them and would assert its way one day!  Karuna! You are damn right on that score!

First you believed in the number game and as it began to wane you believed in the bribe game and EVM fraud game.  But to this Parasurama of one man army your intelligence is infinitesimally small and your army is a paper tiger!

Karuna! Your end is near and no God can help you for you despised them all anyway!  There is no escape!  You can run but you cannot hide!

This Parasurama awaits  you in every corner you turn! So lose your sleep and have nightmares!!

Saint Thomas Legend and Indian Christianity

An enquiry into the colonial and missionary interest.

Prof. C. I. Issac

An historical narrative of Indian Christianity would not be complete without the study of Christianity in Kerala. Christianity is believed to have reached the shores of Kerala in the first century of Common Era [C.E.], though this is not supported by documentary or authentic evidence. The emergence and spread of Christianity in Kerala is shrouded in such myths and legends. Kerala’s Christian past is essentially pivoting on the stories popularized by the Church on the fragile foundations of theology and belief. Therefore, historians encountered many problems in deconstructing its past. First is the question of the arrival of Saint [St.] Thomas and subsequent conversion of Hindu aristocracy [particularly the Namboothiris] to Christianity. Second is the date of the origin of Christianity in Kerala. Third one is the European interest behind popularization of generating aristocratic [savarna] feeling among the native Christians. Finally, how far these missionary activities mutilated the national life?

The centre of the pre-colonial phase of history is the question of savarna origin of Kerala Christianity and the role of Thomas, a disciple of Jesus. This savarna origin theory of Indian Christianity was firstly constructed and popularized in Kerala by Fringies [Portuguese Catholic Missionaries] in the sixteenth century for the fulfillment of their colonial ends1. It is true that before the arrival of Europeans in India, a nominal Christian presence was seen only in the Travancore and Cochin regions of Kerala. The antagonism that was generated amongst the Christians and Muslims due to the Crusades of 11th, 12th and 13th centuries prevented Christian proselytism enterprises from planting their roots in the Malabar region where Muslims got roots quite earlier. It is only during the British period that the Christian society came into being in the Malabar region. It is true that the Christians in Travancore and Cochin regions were only a marginal community confined to a few port towns before the arrival of Europeans. For that reason during this period the churches in Kerala were very few in numbers and could be counted on fingers. Hence, since the arrival of Portuguese till the early decades of the nineteenth century here in Kerala there were only less than three hundred Christian churches of all the denominations2. According to Ward and Conner, even after two centuries of the birth of Christianity, the number of Christians on the Malabar Coast shrank to eight families. The Christian population altogether in Travancore and Cochin during the early decades of the 19th century CE was 35,000 with 55 churches3. Thus the native Church’s claim of the story of St. Thomas and the early origins of Indian Christianity is not a universally accepted fact. In the year 1952 CE, the native Catholic Church approached the Papacy in Rome for Pontifical approval to celebrate 1900th year of proselytism of Kerala since the arrival of St. Thomas on its shores. The Papacy declined the request of the Kerala Catholics on the ground that the claim has no historicity. In spite of this denial, the Savarna Catholics, the Syrian descendants of those said to have received baptism from disciple Thomas, celebrated the 19th centenary of the arrival of Thomas with much pomp.

Behind the building of such a story of apostolic and savarna origin of Indian Christianity there was a willful plan of destabilizing the foundations of Hinduism through the conversion of higher castes of India. It means the total conversion of Hindus. Robert de’ Nobili, [hailing from Montepulciano, Tuscany, Italy]4 was the brain behind the savarna origin theory of the early Indian [Kerala] Church. It was the part of his ambitious programme of converting the Brahmins to Christianity. Because of his zeal to convert the Hindu aristocracy to Christianity; he adopted their mode of life, mastered in Sanskrit and so had to cut himself off completely from intercourse with his fellow missionaries. He worked in Madurai, Mysore, and the Carnatic till old age and almost complete blindness compelled him to retire to Mylapore5. Through him the cultivation of savarna feeling amongst then wealthy sections of the Christian faith started. A section of the Church en-cashed this new feeling for their missionary ends. His labour in this direction may further encouraged building the story of Thomas’ christening of the Namboothiris of Kerala. Another derogatory step that follows from the missionary interest in India is the recasting of the traditional Hindu symbols to suit the Church’s purpose of conversion. The pioneer in this line was Robert De Nobili, an early seventeenth century Catholic Missionary of India, who lived in the attire of a Hindu hermit and established a monastery in Madurai to convert Brahmins. He attempted to place Christianity within the Vedic tradition which would appeal to the upper jatis. The old Nobilian legacy is still continuing. 6.

. The only historical record pertaining to the arrival of Saint Thomas is the book ‘The Acts of Thomas’. But this book does not mention the Malabar Coast. “Acts of Saint Thomas is a historical romance written in Syriac towards the end of second or by the beginning of third centuries.”7 In the history of social formations of ancient Kerala, it is interesting to see that up to the fourth century CE this land was occupied by the pre-Vedic settlements only8. So Nambootiri as a Hindu jati was seen only after the fourth century of CE. The Terisapalli [St. Theresa Church] Copper Plate Grant [Terisapalli Cheppedu] executed in 849 CE by Ayyan Atikal Tiruvatikal of Venadu during the reign of Emperor Sthanu Ravi (844-855) is the available oldest historical documentation linking Christianity to Kerala. But this grant was obtained by the foreign Christian merchants9. The first Christians of the Kerala may be the merchant community hailing from the new faith who settled here temporarily or permanently for business purposes. The Persian Christian migration was the prime reason of the growth of Christianity in Kerala. In addition to it the threat posed by the religion of Islam in the Persian region since 7th century CE onwards through its Christian persecution caused the influx of Christian refugees to this land, supplemented to the Christian population of Kerala. Even after the Persian Christian migration the Christian population remained here as a marginal group/jati in this tiny region until the European occupation of this land. Several travelers’ accounts and British documents are referring to the emaciated conditions of the native Christianity. Only after the indiscriminate conversion of native jatis from sixteenth century CE onwards by the European Christian missionary bands resulted in the enhancement of the Christian population of Kerala to the present level10. Further more G. T. Mackenzie observes, Christians prior to the arrival of Portuguese, did not form the part of Travancore aristocracy. Pope Nicolas IV sent Monte Corvino, a missionary to convert India and China and he wrote to pope in 1306 that “There are very few Christians and Jews [in India] and they are of little weight”.11. Thus the earliest migrant Christian population was numerically a negligible section. The natives regarded Christianity as another path, as well as an upasana system12. Therefore it functioned here as an offshoot of Hinduism till the arrival of Portuguese. Even the names of the Christians were Hindu.13

After the arrival of the Portuguese, a large-scale aggressive proselytizing movement started in Kerala under the stewardship of a padre called Francis Xavier. His eight-year stay in South India changed the entire course of its history. In a short period, he was able to enhance the numerical strength of Kerala’s Christian population. He was no different from Mohammed Ghazini or Aurangazeb in the space of proselytizing enterprise. Francis Xavier was the man solely responsible for the establishment of the Inquisition Court in Goa in 1560, under which Hindu women were raped and burnt alive and Hindu temples were demolished14. The wrath of the Catholic Church that was started with Francis Xavier in Goa did not spare even innocent children of Hindu origin. This notorious religious court functioned in Goa till 1812. Francis Xavier once remarked, “I told the new Christians to demolish the shrines of the idols and saw to it that they crushed the images into dust. I could not express to you the consolation it gave me to watch the idols being destroyed by the very hands of those who so recently used to worship them”15. No doubt Francis Xavier was a mentally debased bigot. Thus the history of temple annihilation in Kerala starts with Francis Xavier in Travancore-Cochin. The first prey was the temple at Thevalakkara in Quilon district and Palluruthi near Cochin16. Another church demolished by the Christian fanaticism during the said period was the Church at Palayoor near Guruvayoor. Until the day of the collapse of the disputed structure at Ayodhya, the Palayoor Church authorities kept a board in front of the church which reads: “The church was constructed by St. Thomas after demolishing a temple”. [Now the board has been removed]. The last one of such demolitions took place in 1950, by setting fire to the famous Sastha Temple at Sabrimalai. In the Malabar region it continued unabatedly until the resistance movement organized in 1969 under the organizational umbrella of Kshetra Smrakshna Samiti by the renowned freedom fighter K. Kelappan [Kelappajee]. De Souza, the Portuguese governor, made a futile attempt to plunder the shrine at Thiruppathi is also to be remembered in this context. The Portuguese did not spare the Muslims of Malabar. The Sixteenth Century Muslim Arabic scholar of Kerala [Ponnani], Shaik Zainuddin, in his work Tuhafat-ul-Mujahiddin, mentions their plunder and destruction of mosques. They did not spare the Kerala’s Jews either: to escape the Portuguese persecution, in 1565 the Jews of Crangannoor escaped to places of Hindu dominancy such as Paravoor, Mala, Chennamangalam, Ernakulam, etc.

It is important to consider the information available from the work of C. M. Augur, an English Missionary cum the Resident of Travancore, to pencil in a correct picture of the Christian intolerance from the days of Padre Francis Xavier. According to Augur in 1816 C.E there were, in the Travancore State [now the part of Kerala], 19,524 temples and 301 churches for all denominations. But in 1891, that is after 76 years, the number of temples had come down to 9,364 and the number of churches had burgeoned to 1,116. [17]. It really a testimony to understand the depth and extent of extermination of Hindu culture during the colonial phase. While the Portuguese used force to the spread of the ‘faith’ British moved with education and legislation. The British insisted several native kings to nationalize rich temples in order to enhance their revenue. This resulted in the withering away [mercy killing] of several temples having less income which was once supported by the nationalized temples.

In the place of every demolished temples churches were sprang up. One such famous church was established in 1938 was at Malayattoor, near Adi Sankara’s birthplace. It was earlier a Siva temple. The revenue records of the old princely state of Travancore admit this fact. The temple was known to the locality as “Kurinchimudi Temple” [hill peak temple]. After the Christian occupation the name of the place was slightly changed to “Kurissumudi” [Mount of cross]. During the Sangam period the entire South India was topographically divided into five regions. The regions contained hills and mountains were called “Kurinchi“. Really the temple name was associated with its topography was conveniently changed with the ’sign of faith’ by the Christians after their occupation of the temple site. Considering the geographical area, the number of the temples set ablaze or knocked down in Travancore was proportionately much higher than that of temples demolished by the Muslim rulers of Northern India.

The Portuguese’s over enthusiasm to generate a Christian population in India was not born out of their ecclesiastical interest but of their political ends. It is very clear from their Latin American experiences. To generate a section that supports their political interest in India was the need. Hence the early Christians of Kerala fell in their trap. Earlier they supported them and later clashed with them. Their objectives well reflected in the subsequent disguised reform measures.

1. It is to create the way smooth for the establishment of Portuguese domination over Hindustan.

2. To establish Roman ecclesiastical authority over Kerala’s Christianity;

3. To destroy all its Hindu practices, rituals and traditions that were retained by the native Christians;

4. To extend the Latin Christendom to the soil of the Hindus.

All this intended to de-Hinduize the Malabar [Kerala] Christianity resulted in the Synod of Damper [Udayamperoor], 1559, and it was the graveyard of Syrian Christian Hindu morphology18. Thus the native Christian community reacted against their villainous designs and it resulted in the Oath of Coonan Cross”19. It was a delayed response so it didn’t produced any desired results.

During the British period missionaries followed the policy of education and modernization of the natives. Missionaries and indologists together popularized the notion of ‘modernity’ and presented colonialism as the synonym of modernity. It was in the light of the history of this land. They realized the fact that to proselytize a Hindu is a quiet difficult task. To the Hindu, “every religion is a path that leads to God-realization. There is only one God which is called by various names and which is attainable to genuine seeker by sincerely following his own path. All the Hindu scriptures have upheld this view”.20. That is why to a Hindu the question of conversion is immaterial. The obsessive eyes of the English missionaries were always in search of the weaker aspects of the targeted society and people. This is an observable fact that operates from the first century to the present day with some morphological difference only.

On the other hand it is easy to make a Hindu a non-committed Hindu through his schooling. Missionary enterprises through ages moved in this direction. Educational vision of the missionaries in pagan lands not only confined to modernization of its social fabric but to “get acquainted with the person of Jesus Christ and His Gospel” by the youths outside the Christian faith21. This is nothing different from the ‘Pauline’ strategy of the first century that successfully experimented in Athens. It can be made clearer by quoting St. Paul, “For I walked through your city and looked at the places where you worship, I found an altar on which is written, ‘To an Unknown God’. That, which you worship, then, even though you do not know it, is what I now proclaim to you”22.

The colonial and subsequent missionary activities are not finishing with mere change of faith but its far reaching consequences are still confronting by the Hindu populations particularly of Kerala and North Western regions. No doubt, the history teaches that any small change in the demographic pattern will be a threat to the national integrity. The number of Muslim population in India in 1901 was 2,91,02,000, but thereafter in 1941 this population got a growth of 68.24 percent and reached it at 4,26,45,000. So they demanded an exclusive state for the Muslims. In 1940s Muslims has only 13.38 percent share in the Indian population but it established that it was sufficient to demand a separate state for them. Regions like the Northeast secured an upper hand to the Christian population in the 1960s [1961 Christian population: 52.97 % & in 2001: 85%], hence demands their severance. Like wise any slight regional imbalance due to the changes in the religious equilibrium will endanger the nation.

Before the political and economic strength of the organized religions of Kerala the divided Hindu is subjected to the extinction syndrome. Even though Hindus are numerically predominant, the vote bank politics kick them out of the political processes of Kerala. Religious minorities vote is very decisive to all political parties of the state and are very particular to sacrifice the Hindu interest before the religious minorities vested interest. From much applauded land reforms to the educational reforms the Hindu interest were sabotaged. Now the 55 percent of the Hindus population of Kerala controls 11.11 % of the total bank deposits. On the other hand 19 % Christian community commands 33.33% and 25% Muslim population retain 55.55 percent.

Non Resident Keralite [NRK] remittances as well as the income from commercial crops cultivation are the main source of the income of the state. The number of the NRKs during the period 2005-06 was 3, 65,293. Of which, the 82.5% are in the Gulf countries. Of the total Gulf country workforce during the reported period, 49.5% were Muslims and 31.5% were Christians. The Hindu share in this sector is only 19% only23. 60.5% of the total NRK remittance is the contribution of the minority communities24. Again the total NRK remittance is 184.65 billion rupees and it is equivalent to seven times of the state government receipts as centre budgetary support or fifteen times of the earning from the cashew export or nineteen times of the states marine export. The annual average remittance per house hold is also shown wide imbalances. A Marthomma Christian share is Rs.26, 098/-, a Muslim is Rs.24, 000/-, a Hindu is Rs.6, 134/- and a Hindu SC is Rs725/ [25]. On the other hand the average land holding of a Christian family of Kerala is 126.4 cents and of Hindus and Muslims are 69.1 and 77.1 cents respectively26.

In the industrial sector 30% and 35% are under the control of the Muslims and Christians respectively. In the agriculture sector Muslims holds 23% and the Christians hold is 40%. The trade and commerce sector Muslims and Christians correspondingly holds 40% and 36%. Conversely the whole jatis of Hindu’s hold in the segments such as industrial is 28%, in agriculture is 24%, and trade-commerce is 22%. Don’t forget the fact that certain weakest Hindu jatis shares in the above sectors may be zero27. The Hindu population of Kerala as per the 2001 census is 56.2%. Of them 5.5% are farmers and 18.3% are farm labours. The Muslim population as per the latest census is 24.7% and among them 6.1% is farmers, 11.8% is farm labourers and one among the three families has an overseas employed person. The 19.1% Christians are the most blessed and 12.8% of them are farmers and 11.2% agricultural labourers. The numbers of BPLs are too high in Hindu jatis. It is 39.3 lakhs amongst the Hindus. On the other hand it is 24.7 lakhs and 8.2 lakhs respectively amongst the Muslims and Christians28.

Before the growing strength of Semitic religions the Hindu identity itself is in danger at certain parts of the country. This situation further advances to several new states by taking advantage of the changed political situation of India. Under the shield of certain constitutional rights the minority religions labouring to enhance its numerical strength by ignoring the fact that all other sections has the right to protect their religions, faith and cultural identity. If this trend continues unabatedly for another half a century the Hindu nation may shrink to be a concept of the past.

End notes

1. V. Balakrishnan, History of Syrian Christians of Kerala, Trissur, 1999, pp 75, 76

2. C. M. Augur, The Church History of Travancore, 1902, Kottayam, pp 7, 8, 9.

3 Ward [Lieut.] and Connor, The Survey of Travancore and Cochin States, Trivandrum, 1863, pp 146, 147

4. Catholic Encyclopedia on CD-ROM,

5. Ibid

6 Titus George, Why must it be Vedic identity? The New Indian Express, Kochi, 25 September 2000.

7. The date of the journey of Saint Thomas is not mentioned in this book. The book tells us that Thomas started from Jerusalem spent a few time in Syria and reached Afghanistan. Its ruler was Gondophernes. Thomas converted the ruler and his brother. Thereafter his journey was to Mazda where there he became martyr. See The Saint Thomas Christian Encyclopedia of India, Vol. 2, Trissur, 1973, p 3. Three fragments of the Gospel of Thomas in Greek, dated about 200 CE, were found in Oxyrhyncnus, Egypt, at about the turn of the last century and a full text in Coptic, dated 350 CE, was found near Nag Hammadi, Egypt. See New Theories in Bible Research, John Dart, Indian Express, dated 9th April 1978.

8 P. K. Gopalakrishnan, Kerala Samskarika Caritram, 1991, Trivandrum, pp 206 –211

9. This Copper Plate contains a land grant to Christian community of Quilon for the construction of Teresa Church. A. Sreedharamenon, Survey of Kerala History, Kottayam, 1970, p100.

10. C. M. Agur, Church History of Travancore, Kottayam, 1902, pp 7-9

11. G.T. Mackenzine, Christianity in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1901, p 8

12.P.K.Balakrishnan, Jati Vyavstituoum Kerala Charitravoum, Kottayam, 1983,

p 345 ff

13. See Thazhakadu Church Inscription of Chera King Rajasimha, [1028-1043 C.E]

14.Kanayalal. M.Talreja, Holy Vedas and Holy Bible, New Delhi, 2000, p 170.

15. Francis Xavier in a letter to the Church authorities in Portugal explains his joy and consolation while Hindu idols were destroyed. See V. Balakrishnan, op cit, p 105 & Kanayalal M. Talrej, op cit, p 18.

16.T. K. Velupillai, The Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, [1940] Trivandrum, rpt. 1996, pp 174,175 & A. Sreedharamenon, op cit, pp 228, 229.

17. C. M. Augur, Church History of Travancore, Kottayam, 1902, pp 7, 8, 9.

18. P. Cheriyan, op cit, p 68 & Missionary Register from 1818 to 1817, pp 101-115

19. It is because of the pull caused through the coir rope the Cross curved down. In Malayalam Coonan mean curved or bent. The meaning is “Oath of Bent Cross”.

20. Rg Vedic messages of “eakam sat vipra bahutavatanthi” the centre of Hindu religious approach. See, P. Parameswaran, Hindutva Ideology – Unique and Universal, Chennai, 2000, p 7.

21. “Education is an integral part of our mission to proclaim the Good News to every creature”. See C.M.I Vision of Education, [A policy statement published by Carmelite of Mary Immaculate] Cochin, 1991, pp 1, 6.

22. Paul, the Apostle of Christ, The Acts of the Apostles, New Testament, Chapter XVII, Aphorism: 22.

23. See Economic Times, 19 May 2003

24. See K.C. Zachariah & others, Study, report published in ‘The new Indian Express’, Kochi, 22 July 2003.

25. K. C. Zachria & S. Irudayarajan, CDS Study, New Indian Express, Kochi, 16th July 2004

26. Kerala Padanam, Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad, Kozhikode, 2006, p 54. [Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad is a Marxist party organization.].

27. K. C. Zachariah, CDS Study, report: The New Indian Express, Cochin, 16th July 2004.

28. Kerala Padanam, op cit, p 54


The Supreme Court allowed the plea of Kanchi Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati for appointing a public prosecutor from Puducherry on Tuesday to hold trial against him in the Sankararaman murder case. Supreme Court has said that the state of Puducherry can appoint public prosecutor to hold trial against Kanchi Shankaracharya Sri Jayendra Saraswati’ in the Sankararaman murder case. The Apex court was hearing a plea by the seer challenging the appointment of a public prosecutor from Tamil Nadu in the Sankararaman murder case, in which he himself is an accused and whose trial was shifted to neighbouring Puducherry. The Court on 10th April had reserved the judgement on the issue in which the Seer had contended that since the trial in the case was transferred to Puducherry, the Tamil Nadu Government has no authority to appoint its public prosecutor. Further, Shankaracharya had submitted that the apex court should address an important question as to which State should be vested with the power of appeal against the order of the trial court. Sri Jayendra Saraswati had challenged the appointment of a public prosecutor from Tamil Nadu for holding trial in the case, which was shifted to Puducherry on the direction of the Apex court. Seer had contended that since the trial in the case was transferred to Puducherry, the Tamil Nadu Government has no authority to appoint its public prosecutor.

SC allows Kanchi seer’s plea for a public prosecutor

Tuesday, 22 July , 2008, 12:14
Last Updated: Tuesday, 22 July , 2008, 12:27

New Delhi: The Supreme Court today allowed the plea of Kanchi Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati for appointing a public prosecutor from Puducherry to hold trial against him in the Sankararaman murder case.

A Bench headed by Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan said that the state of Puducherry, where the trial was shifted from Tamil Nadu, can appoint the public prosecutor and the case will continue there.

Jayendra Saraswati had challenged the appointment of a public prosecutor from Tamil Nadu for holding trial in the case, which was shifted to Puducherry on the direction of the Apex court.

Seer had contended that since the trial in the case was transferred to Puducherry, the Tamil Nadu Government has no authority to appoint its public prosecutor.

Further, Shankaracharya had submitted that the apex court should address an important question as to which state should be vested with the power of appeal against the order of the trial court.

The Tamil Nadu Government had maintained that Section 24 CrPC provides exclusive right to a state for appointing its own public prosecutor and hence the pontiff’s plea should not be entertained.

The Shankaracharya was arrested on November 14, 2004 by the Tamil Nadu police in Andhra Pradesh’s Mahaboobnagar district in connection with the murder of A Sankararaman, manager of the Sri Vardaraja Perumal Temple, Kancheepuram on September 3, 2004.

Following a petition filed by the pontiff, the Supreme Court on October 26, 2005 shifted the trial against the seer from the Principal Sessions Court, Chengalpattu in Tamil Nadu to the District and Sessions Court, Puducherry.

The apex court on May 2, 2006 had also stayed the trial before the session court, Puducherry after the seer opposed Tamil Nadu Government’s move to appoint its own public prosecutor for the trial.